Peru at the Brink of Civil War? The Uprising of the Dispossessed
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On 28 July 2021, Peru, with her 33 million inhabitants,
celebrates 200 years of Independence. The People of Peru may have chosen
this Bicentennial celebration, to bring about a drastic change to their
foreign and national oligarchy-run country. In a neck-on-neck national
election run-off on 6 June 2021, the socialist Pedro Castillo,
a humble primary school professor from rural Cajamarca, a Northern
Peruvian Province, rich in mining resources, but also in agricultural
land, seems to be winning by a razor thin margin of less than 100,000
votes against the oligarch-supported Keiko Fujimori,
daughter of former President Alberto Fujimori, currently in prison – or
rather house arrest for “ill-health” – for corruption and crimes against
humanity during his presidency 1990-2000.
Election results have been considered as fair by the pro-US,
pro-capitalist Organization of American States (OAS). The same
organization that supported the post-election US-instigated coup against
Evo Morales in November 2019. Either they have learned a lesson of
ethics, or there were too many international observers watching over
OAS’s election observations. Or, as a third option, Washington may have
yet a different agenda for this part of their “backyard”.
Keiko Fujimori, before becoming a Presidential candidate she was in
prison under preventive arrest, while under investigation into
corruption and human rights abuse. She is currently collecting millions
from her ruling-class elite supporters and spending her own ill-begotten
money to turn the election result around. Ten days after the elections,
there has no definite result been published yet. For Keiko becoming
President is not only a question of power, it is also a question of
freedom under government immunity, or back to prison, at least until the
investigation into her alleged crimes is completed.
All is possible in a country where money buys everything, and may
convert clearly and visibly intended cast votes either as invalid or as a
vote for the opponent. This is Peru, but to be sure, election fraud
happens even in the most sophisticated countries, including in Peru’s
North American neighbor, who pretends to run the world.
However, should this turn-around happen, Keiko Fujimori and her
capitalist supporters are working so hard to achieve, the country risks a
civil war. Because this is the moment for the vast majority of
Peruvians that they have been waiting for; those Peruvians that have
always been considered as “non-people” by the oligarchy. They should now
finally get their justice, get their piece of the very rich pie that is
Peru. After two hundred years of an oligarchy-ruled nation, this mostly
silent majority truly deserves a break. They were good enough to work,
to rake in the millions from low paid, health-risky mining jobs, from
low-paid agriculture work, from living lives at the margin by
discrimination from their white capitalist rulers. No more. “Pedro
Castillo is one of us.”
Looking back in history just blending in a few landmark moments. The
1989 Washington Consensus that not only “coincidentally” preceded the
collapse of the Soviet Union, but more importantly perhaps for the
Global South, it meant the rolling out in “warp speed” of neoliberal
politics and economics, the enslavement of the Global South into poverty
– many of them into extreme poverty. There was no escaping. The IMF,
World Bank FED and all related so-called regional development banks
played along.
Why is it that Peru is so different in how they treat their natives,
the so-called indigenous people, the original landowners of their
country, if you will, so different from, for example, neighboring
Bolivia, Ecuador and even Colombia? And why do these discriminated
“lesser” people react so different in Peru than they do in neighboring
countries?
It is my guess that it has a lot to do with the Kingdom of Spain
officially creating on 18 August 1521 (500 years ago – by coincidence?)
the Kingdom of “New Spain” in what today is Peru. It later became the
first one of four Viceroyalties Spain created in the Americas. Ever
since Peru became the first Spanish Viceroyalty, the white descendants
of Spain, later extended to the immigrants from the “Old Continent”, had
the audacity to oppress and discriminate the natives.
Vote strength results of the second round of the 2021 Peruvian presidential election. (CC BY-SA 4.0)
As of this day, this is the impression I get as a foreigner having
been partially working and living in Peru for almost the last four
decades. Especially the Lima elite they treat the indigenous as lesser
people, even though they invaded their territory, but they feel and many
of them still pretend being descendants of the Royal Court of Spain.
That gives them a superiority which is hard to ignore. It is also
reflected in the still largely centralized education system, where Lima
decides what the pluri- and multi-ethnicities cultural nation of Peru
should be taught in uniformity.
Aside from the different ethnicities, Peru is divided economically
and culturally into three distinct geographic areas: The Coastal Region,
mostly desertic, but very fertile when irrigated, where 70% of Peru’s
agricultural produce is grown; the Highlands of the Andes, also called
the Sierra, where people survive on patch-work agriculture on small
pieces of land; and then there is the Amazon area that covers about 70%
of Peru’s landmass, with only about 5% of the country’s population. They
are the most independent people, with a culture close to Mother Earth.
Their lives are still largely tied to traditional shamanism, starkly
different from western values.
Education, basic infrastructure but foremost exploitation of Peru’s
enormously rich natural resources is all decided by Lima, by the
oligarchs, the self-styled descendant of the Spanish Royals – not in
spoken words, of course, but in deeds and behavior. Lima has a
population of 11 million, i.e., a third of the country’s populations, of
which about two thirds live at the edge of poverty or below. This
situation may have become worse during covid-times. The lack of proper
and appropriately decentralized education, has left the original owners
of Peru, the indigenous people, including a high proportion of ethnic
mixtures, at a stark and decisive disadvantage.
This is the ethnic composition of Peru: Amerindians (or purely
indigenous people) account for 45 % of the population; 37 % is mestizo
(mixed Amerindian and white), 15 percent is white, and 3 percent is
black, Japanese, Chinese and other. See this.
In other words, 85% of the population is ruled by a white immigrant
minority. It is high time that Peru gets an indigenous president who
pays attention to the real needs and interests of the majority of the
Peruvian population. This time, it seems, after more than 500 hundred
years of a lopsided rule, the 85% of the population will demand a
government of more equilibrium. Pedro Castillo may be their man.
Here some history to connect the dots up to June 2021and to help
understand what is happening now in Peru. Extreme social injustice and
differences between the majority peasant society and a small ruling
elite, brought about the revolutionary ”Shining Path” in 1980, led by
Abimael Guzmán, or by his “nom de guerre”, Chairman Gonzalo. He was a
professor of philosophy strongly influenced by the teachings of Marxism
and Maoism. He developed an armed struggle, what became to be known as
the “Shining Path” – Spanish, “Sendero Luminoso” – for the empowerment
of the neglected and disadvantaged indigenous people. Acts of terrorism
abounded throughout the 1980’s, also and largely to the detriment to the
peasant population.
The Shining Path emerged as the country had just held its first free
elections after a 12-year military dictatorship, first by Juan Francisco
Velasco Alvarado (1968 – 1975), pursuing what the Peruvians called a
Maoist socialism. Velasco organized a disastrous totally unprepared land
reform, and nationalized most foreign investments, creating massive
unemployment and perpetuating poverty. Towards the mid-1970s, Velasco
was very sick with cancer and appointed on 29 August 1975 his Prime
Minister, Francisco Morales Bermúdez, as his successor. Bermúdez began
the second phase of the Peruvian armed Revolution, promising a transit
to a civilian government.
However, Bermudez soon became an extreme right-wing military dictator, pursuing a policy of leftist cleansing.
He kept his promise, though, and led Peru to democratic elections in
1980, when Fernando Belaúnde Terry was elected, the very Belaúnde, who
was deposed as president in the 1968 Velasco military coup.
There was no doubt, that a clear pattern of US-influenced brutal
right-wing military dictatorships became omnipresent throughout Latin
America, with General Jorge Rafael Videla in Argentina (1976-1981);
General Augusto Pinochet in Chile (1973 to 1981); Alfredo Stroessner of
Paraguay (1954 – 1989); General Juan MarÃa Bordaberry of Uruguay (1973 –
1985); the Brazilian military dictatorship of various successive
military leaders (1964 – 1985). The Bolivian history of successive
military dictatorships (1964 – 1982), also fit the pattern of the epoch.
The South American US-supported military dictatorships, prompted the
creation of the Shining Path in Peru, loosely following the objectives
of the Uruguayan Tupamaro guerilla organization, named for Túpac Amaru
II, the leader of an 18th-century revolt against Spanish rule in Peru.
The Shining Path was open and transparent about its willingness to
inflict death and the most extreme forms of cruelty as tools to achieve
its goal, the total annihilation of existing political structures.
“We ae a rising torrent at which they
will launch fire, stones and mud; but our power is great. We turn
everything into our fire, the black fire will become red, and red is the
light.” Abimael Guzmán
Guzman was caught in 1992 and convicted to life imprisonment.
In 1990, Alberto Fujimori, a little-known Rector of and professor at
the Agrarian State University of Lima, with the support of Washington,
became President, defeating Nobel Prize-winner adversary Mario Vargas
Llosa, in a landslide victory of 62.4% against 37.6%. Fujimori imposed
neoliberalism in Peru from the get-go of his presidency in 1990. He
followed closely the mandates of the IMF and the World Bank. His other
main objective was to finish with the Shining Path.
Other than stopping terrorism for humanitarian reasons, there were a
myriad of commercial and economic interests at stake. For example, the
entire mining industry was largely in control of foreign corporations.
As soon as elected, Fujimori was “given” a top CIA „advisor“, Vladimiro Lenin Ilich Montesinos.
The CIA agent soon called the shots for all affairs of international
importance. There was little left for Fujimori to decide, let alone for
the Peruvian Parliament.
In 1992 Fujimori instigated an auto-coup, with Washington’s tacit
consent, dissolving Parliament and becoming the sole ruler, who also
changed the Constitution allowing him to be “reelected” for another 5
years, until 2000, when he fled the country returning to his “native”
Japan. Many analysts say he was actually born in Japan and was lying
having been born in Peru, so he could ascend to the presidency. Just for
the record, his registered birthday 28 July – Peru’s Independent Day –
is kind of suspicious. Fujimori was accused of corruption, abuse of
power and human rights violations.
During a visit to Chile in 2005, Fujimori was arrested and eventually
extradited to Peru where he was convicted in 2009 to 25 years in prison
for corruption, human right abuses and for his role in killings and
kidnappings by the Grupo Colian Death Squad during his government’s battle against the Senderos Lumiosos in the 1990s.
During the two decades of Shining Path, some 69,000 people, mostly
Peruvian peasants died or disappeared. According to the Peruvian Truth
and Reconciliation Commission (PTRC), at last as many people died at the
hands of the Fujimory military commandos, as were killed by the Shining
Path. The PTRC is also called Hatun Willakuy, a Quechuan expression meaning the great story,
signifying the enormity of the events recounted. Before the commission,
Peru had never conducted such a comprehensive examination of violence,
abuse of power, or injustice. See this.
To this day father Fujimori is in prison – or under house arrest for
his alleged ill-health – while his daughter Keiko Fujimori was largely
running Congress with a majority of her Party “Popular Force” – Fuerza Popular. It is not exaggerated to claim that during the past three decades Fujimorismo
and the APRA (American Popular Revolutionary Alliance – a
left-turned-right party) largely ran the country with crime and
corruption, selling off the country’s riches to international
corporatism, mainly in the US – and for the benefit of Peruvian
oligarchs, but leaving the large majority of Peruvians behind.
Peru has a wealth of mineral resources. Copper, iron, lead, zinc,
bismuth, phosphates, and manganese exist in great quantities of
high-yield ores. Gold and silver are found extensively, as are other
rare metals, and petroleum fields are located along the far north coast
and the northeastern part of Amazonia.
Peru’s GDP of US$ 270 billion (World Bank – 2019) is misleading, as a
great proportion is generated by mostly foreign majority holding
extractive industries, manufacturing and ever-increasingly also
agriculture, leaving little in the country which is why the poverty
level has hardly changed over the last 30 years. While in the first
decade of 2000 Peru had a phenomenal GDP growth, between 5% and 7%
annually – about two thirds went to 20% of the population and the rest
was trickling down to the other 80%, with the bottom 10% to 20% getting
next to nothing.
The poverty rate after covid encompasses at least two thirds of the
Peruvian population, with up to 50% under extreme poverty. Exact figures
are not available. Those listed by the World Bank indicating a 27%
poverty rate are simply fake. In addition, the informal sector in Peru
amounts to at least 70%. While it is informality that keeps Peru
somewhat going, it is also the informal sector that has plunged masses
of people into poverty.
Candidate Pedro Castillo, if finally declared the winner, has a
challenging job ahead. He is aligned with a seasoned and
well-experienced and nationally respected politician, socialist Veronica
Mendoza from Cusco. She also identified the current economic advisor
for Mr. Castillo, Pedro Francke, who has a center-left reputation.
Mr. Francke served as director of the Cooperation Fund for Social
Development (FONCODES), a Peruvian government -controlled social
services and small investments institution, promoting small and medium
size enterprises and creating jobs. He also had several roles at the
Peruvian Central Bank and worked as an economist at the World Bank.
In a political statement, Francke separated a potential Castillo
presidency from what he called Chavez socialism of currency control,
nationalizations and price controls. In fact, this is an easy and purely
partisan statement, because the two economies are so fundamentally
different that there is simply no comparison. But the intent is to
tranquilize a worried and right-wing media indoctrinated populace. The
right-wing, mostly El Comercio and affiliated media dominated news outlets, control about 90% of Peruvian media.
Mr. Francke told Reuters, “Our idea is not to have massive
interventionism in the economy”, indicating that Castillo would respect
market economy. Francke also said that a Castillo Government would not
proceed with nationalization and expropriation at all. They may,
however, renegotiate some of the corporate profit-sharing. Having
experienced the Velasco Government in the 1970s, this is one of the
major worries of more senior Peruvians, who lived through the Velasco
years.
Pedro Francke also repeated what Castillo said in his campaign
speeches, that he would encourage local over foreign investments, a
valid assertion, because at present the Peruvian economy is to about 70%
dollarized, meaning that local banks finance themselves largely by Wall
Street, while locally earned money is invested abroad rather than at
home. Hopefully Castillo will be able to muster the necessary trust to
bring about local investments with local money. If so, this would be
among the healthiest economic moves for Peru – moves towards fiscal
autonomy and monetary sovereignty.
At the time of this writing, 10 days after the ballot, the vote
recounts and quarrels over voter fraud is growing, creating a chaotic
ambiance, one that becomes increasingly volatile. We can just hope that
the Peruvian Election Commission applies fair rules and is able to avoid
civil unrest.
*
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Peter Koenig is a
geopolitical analyst and a former Senior Economist at the World Bank and
the World Health Organization (WHO), where he has worked for over 30
years on water and environment around the world. He lectures at
universities in the US, Europe and South America. He writes regularly
for online journals and is the author of Implosion – An Economic Thriller about War, Environmental Destruction and Corporate Greed; and co-author
of Cynthia McKinney’s book “When China Sneezes: From the Coronavirus
Lockdown to the Global Politico-Economic Crisis” (Clarity Press – November 1, 2020).
He is a Research Associate of the Centre for Research on Globalization.
Featured image is from Wikimedia Commons
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