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Showing posts with label Easter Uprising. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Easter Uprising. Show all posts

Wednesday, May 4, 2016

WWI Centennial

WWI Centennial: British Crush Easter Rising

 

filed under: war, world-war-i, ww1

 

 

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Erik Sass is covering the events of the war exactly 100 years after they happened. This is the 233rd installment in the series. 

April 24-29, 1916: British Crush Easter Rising 

While the world was distracted by the bloody drama of Verdun, in spring 1916 Ireland continued to bubble with anger at the island’s English overlords, who had put Irish Home Rule (independence) on the back burner when the war broke out and now appeared to determined to ignore the aggrieved Irish population’s demands altogether. 
The situation was made worse with the advent of conscription; although Ireland was exempt for the time being, many Irish Catholics – with plenty of reason to distrust the British government – believed it was only a matter of time before compulsory military service was introduced to Ireland.
This seething frustration finally erupted in the Easter Rising of 1916 from April 24-29, 1916, when a militant organization within the Irish independence movement, the Irish Republican Brotherhood Military Council, led an armed rebellion against British rule in Dublin. 
The rebellion received some covert support from Germany in hopes of distracting the British from the war, but the main organizer of German support, Sir Roger Casement, changed his mind at the last minute because he believed the Germans weren’t fully committed (in any event Casement was apprehended after landing from a German submarine, U-19, on the Irish coast on April 21, 1916, and later executed).

A Long Shot 

The Easter Uprising, so named because it began on Easter Sunday (April 24 in 1916) was always going to be a long shot. The total armed strength of the Irish rebels probably came to less than 5,000, many of whom never actually fought; the actual fight strength of the Irish rebels was probably around 1,100 in Dublin when the uprising began. These rebels faced the combined might of the British Empire, and although it’s true the British were mired in an unprecedented war on the continent, they were extremely unlikely to sit idly by while one of the “home islands” violently challenged British rule. 
The Irish rebels originally hoped to catch the British unawares, enabling the Germans to land several thousand troops on the west coast of Ireland, before proceeding to capture isolated British strongpoints across Ireland before they had a chance to react. However the German failure to follow through with their bold, implausible part of the plan (which didn’t take account of the Royal Navy) made an already difficult strategy almost impossible. The only hope was to trigger an uprising by the broader Irish population by winning support from ambivalent Irish moderates. 
As it happened, for the most part the rebellion remained confined to Dublin, where the Irish Volunteers, as the rebels were called, at first succeeded in gaining control of a number of key buildings across the city beginning around 10 am on April 24. The British responded cautiously, withdrawing three of the main regiments guarding Dublin to the government’s headquarters at Dublin Castle in order to protect the civilian administration (altogether British troops numbered around 2,400 at the beginning of the rising, most located west of the city). 
Around 12:45 pm on April 24 one of the leaders of the rising, Patrick Pearse, proclaimed the formation of a new Irish Republic, replacing the British monarchy as the government of Ireland (above). The proclamation read, in part:
We declare the right of the people of Ireland to the ownership of Ireland, and to the unfettered control of Irish destinies, to be sovereign and indefeasible. The long usurpation of that right by a foreign people and government has not extinguished the right, nor can it ever be distinguished except by the destruction of the Irish people… Standing on that fundamental right and again asserting it in arms in the face of the world, we hereby proclaim the Irish Republic as a Sovereign, Independent State, and pledge our lives and the lives of our comrades-in-arms to the cause of its freedom, of its welfare, and of its exaltation among the nations. 
The rebels would soon be forced to make good on the pledge of their lives. While they succeeded in occupying most of Dublin in the first day of the rising, they had less success coordinating armed action by the rest of the Irish Volunteers scattered around the country. Meanwhile the British were able to immediately call up reinforcements from their nearby base at Curragh, about thirty miles southwest of the city, as well as from other British garrisons in Ireland and the rest of Britain. 
What followed was classic urban street warfare, as the rebels erected barricades (below) and fortified key positions including the General Post Office, City Hall, and Royal College of Surgeons, from which they rained rifle fire against small British scouting parties trying to get the lay of the land. At the same time the rebels failed to capture the British armory at Magazine Fort in Phoenix Park, ultimately opting to blow it up instead, while the British succeeded in sending about 200 reinforcements to Dublin Castle. For their part a number of civilians – far from rising up to join the rebels – began looting shops in downtown Dublin, further complicating the situation.
With the arrival of the first reinforcements from Curragh, the situation began to turn against the Irish rebels: by the end of the first day the British forces in Dublin had risen to around 4,500 men, while the rebels could muster around 1,500 fighters at most. As evening fell the British mounted a concerted attack on City Hall, where they regained the first floor after three bloody assaults, leaving the upper floors in the hands of the rebels for the evening. By the morning of April 25, the British occupied a chain of major buildings through the center of the city, straddling the River Liffey, including Trinity College, the Ship Street Barracks, the Royal Hospital, and the Royal Barracks.
On April 25 the basic British plan became clear: they would establish a cordon around the city and divide the Irish rebels, then lay siege to the isolated rebel bands in a methodical “mopping up” operation (below, a British roadblock). After eliminating the rebels from the upper stories of City Hall, the British seized the Shelbourne Hotel and turned their machine guns on a rebel command center at St. Stephen’s Green, a park in southeast Dublin. By the evening of April 25 the rebels had been forced out of most of northern Dublin, although the rebels clung to fortified positions on the north bank of the river.
With more reinforcement flooding in (now armed with grenades, machine guns and artillery, and assisted by the arrival of Royal Navy ships sailing up the River Liffey) from April 26-29 the British set about crushing the remaining rebel strongholds in central and southern Dublin. After fierce firefights and bayonet charges, on April 26 the British recaptured the Mendicity Institution, and the following day closed in on key rebel positions at Jameson’s Distillery and the South Dublin Union. 
During this period the British also began shelling Sackville Street (today O’Connell Street) as they sought to eject the rebels from the General Post Office; Irish nationalists long claimed that the British shelled these positions indiscriminately, without regard for civilian casualties. On April 27 the shelling ignited newspaper in the headquarters of the Irish Times, contributing to a general conflagration in the central city, which generally worked to the advantage of the British as they closed in on the trapped rebels.
Following the fall of the rebel position at South Dublin Union on April 27, the only remaining stronghold was the General Post Office, now in flames as the British tightened their siege. After fierce fighting throughout the night of April 28-29, including a failed breakout attempt, the Provisional Government of the short-lived Irish Republic of 1916 finally agreed to unconditional surrender around 2:30 pm on April 29. In its wake, 485 people lay dead, including rebels, soldiers and civilians. 
The Easter Rising was over, but the cause of Irish independence lived on. Indeed, although the rebels failed to stir the enthusiasm of the broader population during these days, the British government’s vindictive response – executing over a dozen leading rebels on grounds of treason – did more to stir sympathy for the martyrs, and the cause of Irish nationalism, than the rebellion itself. British rule would continue in Ireland through the end of the war, but the post-war years promised even greater turmoil. 
 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Monday, April 25, 2016

1916 Easter Uprising

How America Backed the 1916 Easter Rising

Published: April 25, 2016
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Source: The Daily Beast


Rebellion against British rule in Ireland broke out in armed insurrection in 1916, but America’s unofficial support for the rebels did not stop with money.

On April 24, 1916, some 1,600 rebellion-minded Irish nationalists staged an uprising, seeking an end to Great Britain’s rule in Ireland. Slow to react at the start, the British rushed troops across the Irish Sea and amassed a force of nearly 20,000 soldiers by the time the revolutionaries surrendered six days later.
Once the smoke cleared, 485 people were dead—mostly civilians—and more than 2,600 wounded. Destruction of property, especially in central Dublin, was extensive—$255 million in today’s currency by one computation.
Though what’s now known as the Easter Rising was planned and carried out in Ireland, America played a pivotal role in what happened in the rebellion. The Proclamation that was read announcing “The Provisional Government of the Irish Republic” named just one country besides Ireland. The republican cause, the document acknowledged, received support from the “exiled children in America.”
When the Rising occurred, one-fifth of the U.S. population (approximately 20 million people) claimed Irish heritage either through immigration or ancestry, according to census data. More than 1.5 million had migrated to the New World in the mid-19th century because of the Great Famine, and as the new immigrants became settled they often welcomed relatives to join them.
John Devoy, exiled to the U.S. in 1871 for anti-British activity, raised an estimated $100,000 ($2.5 million currently) and surreptitiously sent the money back to Ireland to buy arms and other supplies. Though a naturalized American citizen and long-time resident of New York, Devoy always referred to the island of his birth as “home.”
Seven of the uprising leaders signed the Proclamation, and five of them lived or spent time in America. One signatory, Thomas J. Clarke, was even a naturalized American citizen.
In assessments of the revolt, commentators on this side of the Atlantic drew parallels to America’s own revolutionary past—to the Boston Tea Party and the Battle of Lexington—and P.H. Pearse (president of the Provisional Government and U.S. visitor in 1914) was often compared to George Washington.
The Rising’s combat and its aftermath—14 rebels, including all seven signatories, faced firing squads in Dublin between May 3 and 12—became front-page news in the U.S. The New York Times devoted page-one attention to news from Ireland for 14 consecutive days. During a 19-day period (April 25 through May 13), front-page stories appeared in The New York Times 17 days, The Boston Globe 16, The Chicago Tribune and The World (in New York) 11.
On May 2, The Washington Post published an editorial that, in retrospect, is newsworthy in itself. Arguing that the rebellion was “poorly organized and poorly executed,” The Post projects into the future with a warning for Britain about responding to the revolt.
“The uprising, abortive as it proved to be, is nevertheless a reminder that the Irish question remains to be settled,” the editorial says. “If the British government has not entirely lost its balance, it will not make fierce reprisals in Ireland, but will deal tolerantly even with the ringleaders of the insurrection.”
But the “fierce reprisals,” ultimately, lasted longer than the actual revolt. When the executed rebels began to be called “martyrs” in articles, public opinion took a definite turn. Strong criticism began to be leveled at the United Kingdom, while a sense of compassion developed for the republican-seeking fighters.
Among Irish Americans what was happening a century ago prompted concern for relatives and friends. Less parochially, the general public became curious whether a new front was taking shape in the Great War being waged in Europe. Was the British empire facing bloody internal hostility as well as an existential threat externally from Germany and other Central Powers?
Throughout the spring of 1916, Sir Cecil Spring Rice, Britain’s ambassador in Washington, sent regular dispatches back to London, describing American thinking. In late April, he said, “The attitude of public opinion as to the Irish rebellion is on the whole satisfactory.”
But, after the executions and the condemnation they provoked, he reported in June, “The attitude towards England is changed for the worse by recent events in Ireland,” adding later “. . . I do not think that anything we could do would conciliate the Irish here. They have blood in their eyes when they look our way.”
Sympathy and support for the republican cause increased, both in Ireland and America, during the summer of 1916. One person, though, who kept distance from what he viewed as an internal matter for the British was Woodrow Wilson.

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